The Social Security program that would eventually be adopted in late
1935 relied for its core principles on the concept of "social insurance."
Social insurance was a respectable and serious intellectual tradition
that began in Europe in the 19th century and was an expression of a European
social welfare tradition. It was first proposed in Germany in 1881 at
the urging of the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck. Indeed, by the
time America adopted social insurance in 1935, there were 34 European
nations already operating some form of social insurance program. Philosophically,
social insurance emphasized government-sponsored efforts to provide for
the economic security of its citizens.
At the time that the U. S. was considering social insurance following
the onset of the Great Depression, there were many radical alternative
pension movements sweeping the land. Schemes such as the Townsend Plan,
Huey Long's Share the Wealth movement and novelist Upton Sinclair's EPIC
plan had millions of adherents and were viewed with alarm by President
Roosevelt and his advisers. [1] The tradition of social
insurance would come to be seen as the reasonable, practical alternative
to the radical calls to action represented by Townsend, Long, Sinclair,
etc.
Although the definition of social insurance can vary considerably in its
particulars, its basic features are: the insurance principle under which
a group of persons are "insured" in some way against a defined
risk, and a social element which usually means that the program is shaped
in part by broader social objectives, rather than being shaped solely
by the self-interest of the individual participants.
Social insurance coverage can be provided for a number of different types
of insured conditions, from disability and death to old-age or unemployment.
We may find it obvious to think of death, disability or unemployment as
conditions causing loss of income and which can be ameliorated by pooling
of risk. It is at first a little odd to think of old-age or retirement
in these same terms. But that is precisely how social insurance conceives
of retirement, as producing a loss of income due to cessation of work
activity. So in terms of the eternal problem of economic security, social
insurance endeavors to solve it by pooling risk assets from a large social
group and providing income to those members of the group whose economic
security is being threatened.
One of the first American books on social insurance was by a Columbia
University economics professor named Henry Seager. Seager explained the
principle of old-age security based on social insurance in his 1910 book,
"Social Insurance, A Program of Social Reform":
"As changing economic conditions are rendering the dependence of
old people on their descendants for support increasingly precarious, so,
on the other hand, new obstacles are arising to providing for old age
through voluntary saving. . . The proper method of safeguarding old age
is clearly through some plan of insurance. . . for every wage earner to
attempt to save enough by himself to provide for his old age is needlessly
costly. The intelligent course is for him to combine with other wage earners
to accumulate a common fund out of which old-age annuities may be paid
to those who live long enough to need it." [2]
One of the earliest American advocates of a plan that could be recognized
as modern social insurance was Theodore Roosevelt. In 1912, Roosevelt
addressed the convention of the Progressive Party and made a strong statement
on behalf of social insurance:
"We must protect the crushable elements at the base of our present
industrial structure...it is abnormal for any industry to throw back upon
the community the human wreckage due to its wear and tear, and the hazards
of sickness, accident, invalidism, involuntary unemployment, and old age
should be provided for through insurance." TR would succeed in having
a plank adopted in the Progressive Party platform that stated: "We
pledge ourselves to work unceasingly in state and nation for: . . .The
protection of home life against the hazards of sickness, irregular employment,
and old age through the adoption of a system of social insurance adapted
to American use." |

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Suggestions for Additional Reading:
Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 (Pittsburgh:
University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986)
Jill Quadagno, The Transformation of Old Age Security: Class
and Politics in the American Welfare State (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1988)
Carole Haber and Brian Graffton, Old Age and the Search for Security
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994)
Daniel J. B. Mitchell, Pensions, Politics and the Elderly: Historic
Social Movements and Their Lessons for Our Aging Society (New
York: M. E. Sharpe, 2000) |
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